Thursday, February 6, 2025

Peer review of Jack Welch's translation timeline

Recently Jack Welch discussed his timeline for the translation of the Book of Mormon on a podcast. That reminded me of the article he published in BYU Studies

https://byustudies.byu.edu/article/timing-the-translation-of-the-book-of-mormon-days-and-hours-never-to-be-forgotten

It's an important article that has become a sort of standard for everyone considering the topic. It's excellent work that gives us a lot of useful information, in context, which enables everyone who reads it to make better informed decisions.

The opening sentence of the article prompted me to write this informal, unsolicited "peer review."

"This paper aims to stimulate specific thinking about the intense and complex events during which the Book of Mormon was translated in 1829." 

Although Jack's article is excellent, there are some omissions and assumptions that, if addressed, would improve the narrative. 

In some ways I understand the apologetic benefit of having as short a period as possible for Joseph to dictate the Book of Mormon. It arguably makes the process more miraculous.

On the other hand, pushing the apologetic approach can distort the historical record. For that reason, in this peer review I'll look at some of the areas for improvement.

Basically, I think the historical evidence shows that Joseph translated all or most of Mosiah before Oliver arrived in Harmony, which means it took longer to translate the plates than Jack proposes in his article.

It's not a big difference, but it has some implications that are worth considering.

_____


The article appeared in the issue featuring the "Moroni" painting on the cover. 

I love the painting.

But I disagree with the Moroni narrative for all the reasons we've discussed before, not the least of which is that Joseph Smith specifically said the messenger was one of the Three Nephites. 

And, of course, David Whitmer conversed with both this messenger and with Moroni and knew they were different people. And Mary Whitmer herself said he introduced himself as "Brother Nephi."

In my view, the whole "Moroni" narrative promoted by Jack and Scripture Central deflects from the point that the messenger took the abridged plates from Harmony to Cumorah before bringing the plates of Nephi (D&C 10) to Fayette. But that's a separate topic from this peer review

_____

Jack's articles are always well organized and thoughtful, and this one is no exception. It is definitely worth reading carefully. I'm not taking the time to go through the entire article here. I start with a paragraph under the section Five Anchor Dates.

Original in blue, my comments in red, other quotations in green.

 ... anchor date 1 [April 7] is substantially secure.

Before that date, and without property rights and protective security, little translation took place in the first three months of 1829. 

How much translation took place before Oliver arrived is the main question here. 

Of course, a year before, the book of Lehi had been translated, with Martin Harris as the main scribe. Emma and Reuben Hale apparently acted as scribes in those three months as well.20 When Emma said in 1856 that she wrote “a part of” the manuscript of the Book of Mormon, she was referring to a time when Joseph said to Emma that he was surprised to read that Jerusalem had walls.21 But that text about Jerusalem could have been either at the beginning of the lost book of Lehi, translated in April 1828, or at the beginning of 1 Nephi, translated in June 1829, and was likely not translated between September 1828 and April 7, 1829.

At least six documents say that a little was translated in 1829 prior to April 7.

There is also evidence that some was translated in 1828 after September, when Joseph got the plates and interpreters back.

David Whitmer said the translation took eight months.

The work of translating the tablets consumed about eight months, Smith acting as the seer and Oliver Cowdery, Smith’s wife, and Christian Whitmer, brother of David, performing the duties of amanuenses [scribe], in whose handwriting the original manuscript now is. 

Vol. XLV, The Chicago Daily Tribune, Thursday, December 17, 1885

Oliver and Christian were scribes at the Whitmer home in Fayette. David may also have observed Emma acting as scribe in Fayette, or have seen Emma’s scribal work on the manuscript Joseph brought from Harmony. John Gilbert, the typesetter, said

“I would know that manuscript today if I should see it. The most part of it was in Oliver Cowdery’s handwriting. Some in Joseph’s wife’s; a small part, though.”

James T. Cobb interview with John H. Gilbert in “The Hill Cumorah,” The Saints’ Herald (Plano, ILL), Vol. 28, No. 11, June 1, 1881, p. 165. Online at http://www.sidneyrigdon.com/dbroadhu/IL/sain1872.htm#060181

If David was correct, counting back eight month from June 1829 when the translation was completed at the Whitmer home in Fayette means Joseph resumed translating in November 1828.

In his 1832 history, Joseph explained that before Oliver arrived in Harmony in April 1829, his brother Samuel scribed for him.

my wife had written some for me to translate and also my Brothr Samuel H Smith but we had become reduced in poverty and my wives father was about to turn me out of doores & I had not where to go and I cried unto the Lord that he would provide for me to accomplish the work whereunto he had commanded me.

History, circa Summer 1832, https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/paper-summary/history-circa-summer-1832/6 .

When Joseph’s parents visited Harmony in November 1828, Joseph told them that the messenger had returned the plates with the U&T in September 1828 and that Emma was then writing for him. (Some historians think they visited in September, but Lucy quotes Joseph referring back to September.

Lucy Mack Smith, History, 1845, https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/paper-summary/lucy-mack-smith-history-1845/142 

Lucy recalled that

For nearly two months after Joseph returned to his family in Pennsylvania we heard nothing from him; and becoming anxious about him, Mr. Smith [Joseph Smith Sr.] and myself set off to make him a visit….

when I entered his house the first thing that attracted … my attention was a red morocco trunk, that set on Emma’s bureau; which trunk Joseph shortly informed me, contained the Urim and Thummim and the plates….

[Lucy related Joseph’s account that] on the 22d of September, I had the joy and satisfaction of again receiving the Urim and Thummim; and have commenced translating again, and Emma writes for me; but the angel said that the Lord would send me a scribe, and <I> trust his promise will be verified. The angel He also seemed pleased with me, when he gave me back the Urim and Thummim; and he told me that the Lord loved me, for my faithfulness and humility.

Joseph separately reported that after he received the plates and U&T again, he “did not however go immediately to translating but went to laboring with my hands upon a small farm… to provide for my family.”

History, circa June 1839-circa 1841, https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/paper-summary/history-circa-june-1839-circa-1841-draft-2/13 , published in the Times and Seasons, 15 June 1842, p. 817, https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/paper-summary/times-and-seasons-15-june-1842/3

It makes sense that Joseph did not resume translating immediately because he would need to work on the farm during the last week of September and most or all of October during the harvest and preservation season.

Note that in his history, Joseph mentions that his father visited in February 1829, which led to D&C 4, but Joseph does not mention the visit of his parents in November.

Another pre-Oliver scribe might have been Martin Harris, who visited Harmony in March 1829 and requested a revelation. The revelation (D&C 5) includes this comment about the translation.

29 And if this be the case, I command you, my servant Joseph, that you shall say unto him [Martin Harris], that he shall do no more, nor trouble me any more concerning this matter.

30 And if this be the case, behold, I say unto thee Joseph, when thou hast translated a few more pages thou shalt stop for a season, even until I command thee again; then thou mayest translate again.

This raises the possibility, or likelihood, that Martin resumed some scribal activity in March.

As the following references show, we can’t know how many pages Joseph dictated before Oliver arrived on April 5, 1829, partly because no one said what parts of the text they scribed and partly because the Original Manuscript is not extant prior to Alma 10:31 (which is in Oliver’s handwriting).

Without going into all of these sometimes conflicting historical sources in detail,22 here are the main documents relevant to this point:

  1. In 1832, speaking of the time before Oliver Cowdery received his vision and then came to Harmony “to write for me,” Joseph Smith personally recorded, “Now my wife had written some for me to translate and also my Brother Samuel H Smith.” How many pages they wrote is unknown, but apparently it was not very many—only “some”—and still not enough to “accomplish the work” as “commanded.”23

Emma and Samuel must have written “some” of the Book of Mosiah, but it’s impossible to know how much from this statement alone.

  1. Emma said in 1879 that Joseph Smith “would dictate to me hour after hour; and when returning after meals, or after interruptions, he could at once begin where he had left off.”24 Unfortunately, as she describes his “usual” dictation practices she does not say when it was that he so dictated to her, or perhaps to others, or how many pages of text were created before or after the manuscript pages were lost.

As mentioned above, Emma apparently did write some of the text we have today, but we can’t know how much she wrote in Harmony or Fayette. The claim that she wrote “hour after hour” suggests considerably more work than just a handful of pages.

  1. Oliver said of the Book of Mormon to William Frampton (as recorded in 1901), “I wrote it (with the exception of a few pages) with this right hand (extending his hand) as the inspired words fell from the lips of Joseph Smith.”25 Apparently, those “few pages” would have included whatever pages were written by any other scribes at the Whitmer home in Fayette, New York, after Joseph’s arrival there about June 4, 1829, and also whatever pages were translated before April 7.

Frampton dated this letter September 15, 1901. He was recalling what Oliver Cowdery said in 1848. His recollection is similar to that of Reuben Miller, who recorded Oliver’s testimony contemporaneously. “I wrote with my own pen the entire Book of Mormon (save a few pages) as it fell from the lips of the prophet…” 

Obviously at least one of the accounts is not verbatim. Probably neither one is. Maybe Frampton had access to Miller’s journal, or met with Miller at some point to share recollections.

Surely Oliver knew exactly how many pages other scribes wrote, but apparently he did not quantify that in his statement. It’s unclear why both accounts put the “few pages” within parentheses. Maybe it was something Oliver said later, maybe Miller and Frampton inserted the parenthetical because they knew Oliver was not the only scribe, or maybe Oliver said “a few” in an apologetic sense, minimizing the contributions of the others scribes to bolster his own testimony and to respond to claims that Joseph composed the text.

At any rate, it’s impossible to specifically quantify “few pages.” The Book of Mosiah contains about 31,348 words, which is about 11.6% of the total word count of 269,320. All or some portion of that could be described as “a few” compared with the rest of the text.

  1. David Whitmer once said in 1878 that a “few pages” were written by Emma, John Whitmer, and Christian Whitmer.26 John and Christian would have written in June 1829, but it is uncertain what time David has in mind when he says that Emma wrote a few pages. He may be talking about translation during June 1829, but perhaps David had become aware that Emma and Samuel had written “some” for Joseph prior to April 7, well before David came to Harmony.

David was never in Harmony during the translation, so he was likely referring to pages Emma and his brothers wrote in Fayette. He had no first-hand knowledge of which scribes wrote what in Harmony, unless he analyzed the handwriting on the pages. But again, “few pages” is vague.

  1. Lucy Smith recalled in her 1844–1845 memoir, “Emma had so much of her time taken up with her [house] work that she could write but little for him.”27 

The link in the note is a page off. Here’s the correct link: https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/paper-summary/lucy-mack-smith-history-1844-1845/96 

This part of Lucy’s history does not relate her personal experience but instead the experience of Oliver and Samuel when they went to Harmony in April 1829. Notice that this was a month after the Lord told Joseph to stop translating (D&C 5).

In her 1845 history, Lucy said it slightly differently; i.e., Emma "could write for him but a small portion of the time," which suggests that her previous statement--"write but little"--referred to the time she had instead of the number of pages she wrote.

Joseph had been so hurried with his secular affairs, that he could not proceed with his spiritual concerns as fast as was necessary for the speedy completion of the work— there was also another disadvantage under which he labored: Emma had so much of her time taken up with the care of her house, that she could write for him but a small portion of the time:— In consequence of these embarrassments Joseph called upon the [p. 143] Lord, three days previous to their arrival, to send him a scribe, according to the promise of the angel; and he was informed that the same should be forth coming in a few days. Accordingly, when Mr. Cowdery told him the business upon which he had come, Joseph was not at all <​surprized​>

https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/paper-summary/lucy-mack-smith-history-1845/150 

But Lucy gives no hint about what that “little” amount consisted of or when she thought Emma had done this writing. She may have been referring to pages that were written in the spring of 1828 and thus were among the lost manuscript pages or perhaps to pages written in the early months of 1829.

These are both possibilities, but Emma could also have been referring to her writing in November and December of 1828. And, as just shown, Lucy apparently referred to the amount of time Emma had, not the number of pages she wrote.

Lucy was present in Harmony for a winter visit in February 1829, and so she did not see much of Joseph’s activity during the months from the end of September 1828 to the beginning of April 1829 personally.

As we saw above, Lucy visited Joseph in November 1828. Had she not, she couldn’t have known that Joseph needed help. She specifically said they visited because “we heard nothing from him” and they were “becoming anxious about him.” She may have accompanied her husband in February also, but Joseph didn't mention her in his history.

But she was in contact with Joseph and was aware enough of his great need for scribal help, which is why she and others in the Smith family, when they met Oliver Cowdery and found him to be trustworthy, told Oliver of the plates and of Joseph’s great need for help.28

According to Lucy, Oliver actually “began to hear about the plates from all quarters” and asked JS Sr. about them, but Joseph’s father declined to discuss it “for a long time.”

https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/paper-summary/lucy-mack-smith-history-1844-1845/92

  1. In March 1829, in a revelation, now found in Doctrine and Covenants 5, given to Martin Harris,29 Joseph was told to translate “a few more pages” and then to “stop for a season” (D&C 5:30). How much translation Joseph did before stopping is unknown.

Because the revelation was given at the request of Martin Harris, it seems reasonable to infer that Martin was acting as scribe in March 1829.  “I say unto thee Joseph, when thou hast translated a few more pages thou shalt stop for a season, even until I command thee again; then thou mayest translate again.” (Doctrine and Covenants 5:30)

We naturally wonder how Joseph would know when to stop translating. “A few more pages” is indeterminate, but more than one or two. Should he translate three more? Four? Five?

Presumably he would know when to stop because he would reach a milestone, such as the end of the Book of Mosiah. That would be a natural place to “stop for a season.”

Another reason to infer that Oliver did not scribe the Book of Mosiah is that when he copied the book for the Printer’s manuscript, he wrote “Helaman” instead of “Helam” and then later crossed out the last two letters. Because he was the scribe for the Book of Helaman, Oliver likely thought Emma (or another scribe) made a mistake by writing Helam. But then, perhaps after Joseph reviewed the Printers Manuscript, Oliver corrected the mistake.

Because we don’t have the OM for Helaman we can’t be sure about any of this, but it’s a factor to consider.

So how many pages of the original manuscript of the current Book of Mormon might have been written before Oliver Cowdery arrived on April 5? Of course, we do not know for sure. But the consistent use of the words “some,” “few,” and “little” leave the impression that not very many pages—perhaps as few as three or four—were written during those stressful, cold, dark, and needy months, when supplies were limited, visitors were frequent, and timber was being cut, although other farm chores may have been fewer than in the springtime.

Although our information is limited, the foregoing six statements are evidence that only a few pages of dictation were written between the summer of 1828 and April 1829.  

This assumption of “as few as three or four” doesn’t follow from the information we have. The Lord refers to “a few more pages” in addition to what Joseph had already translated. And as we’ve seen, Joseph resumed translating around November 1828. Adding “a few” to the “some,” “few,” or “little” he had already translated leads to a reasonable inference that Joseph had translated more than “a few” by the time Oliver arrived.   

Linking Translation Progress with Words in These Thirteen Revelations

It is interesting to connect these thirteen sections in the Doctrine and Covenants that were received in April, May, or June with the timing and sequence of the translation of passages in the Book of Mormon. Beyond the fact that receiving and recording these revelations took time, these revelations can be connected to the unfolding of words and phrases within the Book of Mormon itself. These correlations do not affect estimations of how long the translation took, but they do suggest a little more clearly approximate times when those revelations might have been received as well as when certain portions of the Book of Mormon were translated. For present purposes, these thirteen revelations have simply been positioned on the chart on days close to where some of their phrases connect with relatable Book of Mormon texts. This chronological coalescing happens fairly consistently and distinctively, offering a stream of interconnections.

Doctrine and Covenants 8 can be placed at about April 9, which is approximately the time of the translation of Mosiah 8. Both of those texts deal with the power to translate.54

It’s unclear why D&C 8 would be placed at about April 9, just two days after Oliver began working as a scribe. It seems more reasonable to infer that he would work with Joseph longer than two days before the Lord would encourage him to “ask… that you may translate.”

While Mosiah 8 does use the term “translate,” that isn’t a direct link to D&C 8. Perhaps Joseph and Oliver discussed the translation process and Joseph read Mosiah 8 to Oliver as part of his explanation. More likely they were translating Alma 37 (Gazelem and the directors) which led to Oliver wanting to translate. This makes sense because the only part of the Original Manuscript in Joseph’s handwriting is Alma 45:22, which would be the only part of the extant OM that Oliver could have translated (although some think Oliver just got tired at that point). D&C 9:5 points out that Oliver “began to translate” but “did not continue as [he] commenced.”

The phrases in Doctrine and Covenants 9, dated to around April 26, connect with words in Alma 11 or 40, which would have been translated around that date.55

For the same reasons mentioned above, D&C 9 is more likely to have postdated Alma 45:22.

Doctrine and Covenants 7 has been placed on May 21 because of possible connections to 3 Nephi 28.56 Doctrine and Covenants 7 deals with the Apostle John not tasting death. That question was most relevant to the blessing that Jesus gave to the Three Nephites that they would not taste death either.

The rest of the anchor dates seem reasonable to me.





Monday, February 3, 2025

kno-why #489 - the "why"

In the previous post, we peer-reviewed the "know" part of Kno-Why #489. Here we review the "why" part.

Original in blue, my comments in red, embedded quotations in green.

The Why

The location of where Joseph Smith obtained the golden plates which he translated by the gift and power of God is well known.21 

The irony of this sentence is breathtaking. The location of the hill is "well known" only because Oliver Cowdery described it in detail. But Scripture Central specifically rejects what Oliver wrote about Cumorah in the same paragraph!

Note 21 cites the Saints book, vol 1, pages 20-42. Note 13 on page 23 of Saints in turn cites the only known specific references to the location of Cumorah, consisting of Lucy Mack Smith's quotation of Moroni, Oliver Cowdery's quotation of Moroni, and Oliver's own explanation of the location of the hill. Two refer to Cumorah (which the Saints book censors) while the third explains the history was "written and deposited not far from" Joseph's home, which obviously contradicts the narrative that it was written in Mesoamerica and transported somehow to New York.

1. Lucy Mack Smith quoted what Moroni told Joseph: "the record is on a side hill on the Hill of Cumorah 3 miles from this place remove the Grass and moss and you will find a large flat stone pry that up and you will find the record under it."

https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/paper-summary/history-1834-1836/91

2. Oliver Cowdery repeating what Moroni told Joseph: "[Moroni] said this history was written and deposited not far from that place..." 

[Note: Saints gives a link to archive.org (but not to the specific page), so I include that here but on the next one I give the link to the Joseph Smith Papers.]

https://archive.org/details/latterdaysaintsm01unse/page/80/mode/2up?view=theater

3. Oliver gave the most detailed description based on his personal experience visiting the hill.

You are acquainted with the mail road from Palmyra, Wayne Co. to Canandaigua, Ontario Co. N.Y. and also, as you pass from the former to the latter place, before arriving at the little village of Manchester, say from three to four, or about four miles from Palmyra, you pass a large hill on the east side of the road. Why I say large, is because it is as large perhaps, as any in that country. To a person acquainted with this road, a description would be unnecessary, as it is the largest and rises the highest of any on that rout. The north end rises quite sudden until it assumes a level with the more southerly extremity, and I think I may say an elevation higher than at the south a short distance, say half or three fourths of a mile. As you pass toward canandaigua it lessens gradually until the surface assumesits common level, or is broken by other smaller hills or ridges, water courses and ravines. I think I am justified in saying that this is the highest hill for some distance round, and I am certain that its appearance, as it rises so suddenly from a plain on the north, must attract the notice of the traveller as he passes by.

At about one mile west rises another ridge of less height, running parallel with the former, leaving a beautiful vale between. The soil is of the first quality for the country, and under a state of cultivation, which gives a prospect at once imposing, when one reflects on the fact, that here, between these hills, the entire power and national strength of both the Jaredites and Nephites were destroyed....

By turning to the 529th and 530th pages of the book of Mormon [Mormon chap. 6] you will read Mormon’s account of the last great struggle of his people, as they were encamped round this hill Cumorah.... This hill, by the Jaredites, was called Ramah: by it, or around it pitched the famous army of Coriantumr their tents.

https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/paper-summary/history-1834-1836/90 

Other references to the hill are vague, such as this: "Convenient to the village of Manchester, Ontario county, New York, stands a hill of considerable size, and the most elevated of any in the neighborhood." (Joseph Smith—History 1:51)

After the early Saints left New York, they didn't return. Brigham Young and Heber C. Kimball joined the Church a couple of years later. Kimball visited Cumorah and said he still saw the embankments around it, but he relied on others' descriptions to know which hill was Cumorah. It was the same with Brigham Young and everyone else who visited the hill. Thus Oliver's specific description is the reason why the location is "well known," yet Scripture Central rejects Oliver's statements of fact about Cumorah.

As we see in the very next sentence.  

Whether that was the same location as the final destruction of the Nephites remains open to discussion. 

It's only "open to discussion" among those who reject what Oliver, writing as Assistant President of the Church with first-hand knowledge, declared was a fact. 

the fact, that here, between these hills, the entire power and national strength of both the Jaredites and Nephites were destroyed

Elder John A. Widtsoe of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles recognized this when he wrote in 1950 that “the hill from which the Book of Mormon plates were obtained is definitely known. In the days of the Prophet this hill was known among the people as Cumorah. This is a fixed point in Book of Mormon later history. There is a controversy, however, about the Hill Cumorah–––not about the location where the Book of Mormon plates were found, but whether it is the hill under that name near which Nephite events took place.”22 

Observing that there is a controversy does not constitute repudiating what Oliver Cowdery declared was a fact. We all recognize there is a controversy, but the controversy is about whether or not we accept what Oliver said was a fact as corroborated by the other historical sources (and extrinsic evidence).

Note 22 asks readers to "compare" the speculation of an M2C promoter:

Compare Palmer, “Cumorah,” 1:347. “Because the New York site does not readily fit the Book of Mormon description of Book of Mormon geography, some Latter-day Saints have looked for other possible explanations and locations, including Mesoamerica. Although some have identified possible sites that may seem to fit better, there are no conclusive connections between the Book of Mormon text and any specific site that has been suggested.”

Obviously Palmer's framing is subjective. For example, Palmer believed Cumorah was in a land of volcanoes, even though the text of the Book of Mormon never mentions volcanoes. We all recognize that "some Latter-day Saints have looked" elsewhere because they reject what Oliver taught. They reject what Lucy reported, what David Whitmer reported, and for that matter what Joseph wrote in D&C 128:20, where Moroni referred to Cumorah before Joseph obtained the plates. "

Glad tidings from Cumorah! Moroni, an angel from heaven, declaring the fulfilment of the prophets—the book to be revealed. (Doctrine and Covenants 128:20)

Elder Widstoe further explained that, “As far as can be learned, Joseph Smith, translator of the book, did not say where, on the American continent, Book of Mormon activities occurred.”23

This is a red herring fallacy because the New York Cumorah/Ramah does not determine where the other events took place. Furthermore, it was Oliver Cowdery who published Letter VII, with the assistance of Joseph Smith, and they both had personal experience with Moroni, the repository, and the messenger who took the abridged plates from Harmony to Cumorah. Nothing in Elder Widstoe's article repudiates what Oliver wrote about Cumorah.

Much more important than precisely where the Book of Mormon hill Cumorah may be located is what transpired at a “hill of considerable size” near the town of Manchester, New York in the early morning hours of September 22, 1827 (Joseph Smith–––History 1:51–59). 

This is axiomatic for all believers.

President Thomas S. Monson testified of “the momentous events that unfolded” on that occasion:

A plowboy prophet took a horse and wagon and, in the dark of night, rode to this hill, where he received an ancient record from the angel Moroni. In a remarkably short time, this untutored young man translated a record detailing 1,000 years of history and then prepared the Book of Mormon for public distribution. . . . The visitor often comes [to the Hill Cumorah] with an attitude of curiosity. He or she departs with a soul touched by the Spirit of the Lord. . . . I bear an apostolic witness that Jesus is the Savior of the world and that He and His Father appeared to the Prophet Joseph Smith to usher in this dispensation of the fulness of times.24

Since the Book of Mormon presents itself as a historical text, it is appropriate to ask and remain open to questions about its ancient geographical and historical setting.

This is a good point. When Oliver wrote Letters IV and VII, he was responding to claims, such as that in Mormonism Unvailed, that the Book of Mormon was fiction. He explained at the outset that his essays on Church history would be based on facts. Yet the scholars at Scripture Central specifically reject the facts that Oliver presented, solely because of the way they interpret the text. 

“Out of diligent, prayerful study, we may be led to a better understanding of times and places in the history of the people who move across the pages of the divinely given Book of Mormon,” Elder Widtsoe allowed.25 

This is exactly right. He also wrote,

"Out of the studies of faithful Latter-day Saints may yet come a unity of opinion concerning Book of Mormon geography."

That's what I hope to see. And if not a unity of opinion, at least a unity of clarity, charity and understanding that accommodates all faithful views and empowers everyone to make informed decisions based on all the facts.

The question for every Latter-day Saint interested in this topic is whether the foundation of our study is the specific teachings of the prophets, declared as facts as in Letter VII, or our own private interpretation that repudiates those teachings.

However those facts may appear to any individual, all readers of the Book of Mormon should focus on its witness of Jesus Christ and the eternal truths it teaches, which is indisputably its primary purpose.

Absolutely.

Further Reading

Rex C. Reeve, Jr. and Richard O. Cowan, “The Hill Called Cumorah,” in Regional Studies in Latter-day Saint Church History: New York, ed. Larry C. Porter, Milton V. Backman, Jr., and Susan Easton Black (Provo, UT: Brigham Young University, 1992), 71–91.

Sidney B. Sperry, “Were There Two Cumorahs?” Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 4, no. 1 (1995): 260–68.

Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 13, no. 1–2 (2004). [This entire issue of the journal is dedicated to topics surrounding the Hill Cumorah.]

Book of Mormon Central, “Where Did the Book of Mormon Happen?” KnoWhy 431 (May 8, 2018).

Jed Woodworth and Matt Grow, “Saints and Book of Mormon Geography,” online at www.history.lds.org

For a response to this reference, see 

_____ 


For other perspectives on this, see:




  • See further the quotations from Church leaders collected and analyzed in Roper, “Limited Geography and the Book of Mormon,” 255–260; “Joseph Smith, Revelation, and Book of Mormon Geography,” 17–22.
  • 18. Palmer, In Search of Cumorah; John L. Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City and Provo, UT: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1985), 44, 347–351; Sidney B. Sperry, “Were There Two Cumorahs?” Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 4, no. 1 (1995): 260–268; David A. Palmer, “Cumorah,” in Encyclopedia of Mormonism, ed. Daniel H. Ludlow (New York, NY: Macmillan, 1992), 1:346–347; John E. Clark, “Archaeology and Cumorah Questions,” Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 13, no. 1–2 (2004): 144–51, 174; John L. Sorenson, Mormon’s Codex: An Ancient American Book (Provo, UT: Neal A. Maxwell Institute, 2013), 142–143.
  • 19. Rex C. Reeve Jr., “Hill Cumorah,” in Encyclopedia of Latter-day Saint History, ed. Arnold K. Garr, Donald W. Cannon, and Richard O. Cowan (Salt Lake City, UT: Deseret Book, 2000), 481.
  • 20. F. Michael Watson, Secretary to the First Presidency, fax from the Office of the First Presidency to FARMS dated April 23, 1993, online at FairMormon: “The Church emphasizes the doctrinal and historical value of the Book of Mormon, not its geography. While some Latter-day Saints have looked for possible locations and explanations [for Book of Mormon geography] because the New York Hill Cumorah does not readily fit the Book of Mormon description of Cumorah, there are no conclusive connections between the Book of Mormon text and any specific site.”

For a full account of this, see


  • 21. See Saints: The Story of the Church of Jesus Christ in the Latter Days (Salt Lake City, UT: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 2018), 20–42.
  • 22. John A. Widtsoe, “Is Book of Mormon Geography Known?” Improvement Era, July 1950, 547. Compare Palmer, “Cumorah,” 1:347. “Because the New York site does not readily fit the Book of Mormon description of Book of Mormon geography, some Latter-day Saints have looked for other possible explanations and locations, including Mesoamerica. Although some have identified possible sites that may seem to fit better, there are no conclusive connections between the Book of Mormon text and any specific site that has been suggested.”
  • 23. Widtsoe, “Is Book of Mormon Geography Known?” 547.
  • 24. “Special Witnesses of Christ,” Ensign, April 2001, 19–20.
  • 25. Widtsoe, “Is Book of Mormon Geography Known?” 597.



Peer review of Jack Welch's translation timeline

Recently Jack Welch discussed his timeline for the translation of the Book of Mormon on a podcast. That reminded me of the article he publis...